1788: "The Absolute Necessity of a Continental Government of Some Sort"

The following essay and proposal appeared in a Pennsylvania newspaper called The Freeman's Journal or The North-American Intelligencer on November 12, 1788, and addressed concerns and hopes for the new constitution and new government formed by it. 

To the FREEMEN of PENNSYLVANIA

Friends and Countrymen!

A Fellow citizen, who is impressed with real anxiety at the approaching crisis of our public affairs, begs leave to address a few words to you.

Whilst the enterprising and ambitious are pressing forward to the harvest of office and emolument, which they promise themselves under the new constitution, he freely resigns all hope of private advantage from the government, and feels no other interest than that which every citizen ought to feel, in the misfortunes or prosperity of his country. He expects no benefit from the administration of public affairs; but that which every individual will share in common with himself; he fears no misfortunes but those, which will equally affect every member of the community. With these views and motives which are alike interesting to every good citizen, he flatters himself he shall be heard with attention.

Liberty was the avowed object of the late glorious revolution, in search of which we waded [waited] with patience and resolution, through all the horrors of a civil war; and the constitutions of the several states were framed with admirable wisdom, according to the best models, and upon the noblest principles of civil liberty. One only defect remained. The general government of the continent, under the late articles of confederation, was too feeble to secure the safety of the people. Its defects were evident; and yet, as if by a studied contrivance they were suffered to remain, with hardly an attempt to remedy them, and the public affairs of the continent had sunk into utter imbecility and ruin. The cry, at length, for a new form of continental government, became loud and universal.

A continental convention was called; the hopes of the people were raised to the highest pitch of expectation, and the sun never beheld a more glorious opportunity of establishing a happy from of government. Nothing short of the most glaring defects could have excited any shadow of opposition. But it is to be feared, some selfish and artful men amongst us were but too willing to avail themselves of so favorable an opportunity of consulting the profit and power of the future governors of the continent, at the expence of the liberties of the people. These defects have been freely stated by writers in the public papers, throughout the continent, as well as in the debates of several state conventions. Indeed many of the defects seem now to be generally acknowledge, even by those men who, there is too much reason to fear, would still wish to evade their amendment and to retain them in the system. Some of these defects are very glaring and important; others perhaps, in the heat of contention have been exaggerated. One in two of the most considerable, I shall attempt briefly to lay before you.

The future Congress, if the new constitution is not amended, will be vested with unlimited powers; the state governments, which have been founded on the most excellent constitutions in the world, will crumble into ruin or dwindle into shadows, and, in their stead, an enormous unwieldy government will be erected, which must speedily fall to pieces by its own weight, and leave us to the wretched alternative of anarchy or tyranny; whereas by a due temperature, the continental government may be clothed with all its necessary powers, for the management of foreign affairs, and leave the state governments in possession of such powers, as will enable them to regulate our internal concerns, which a continental government of the whole empire can regulate the internal police [policy] of the several states, as to believe that the several states could regulate our foreign trade, and protect us in our intercourse with foreign nations. The latter we have already tried without success: the former will be found equally impracticable. 

Another defect in the federal constitution is equally alarming. No security is provided for the rights of individuals; no bill of rights is framed, nor is any privilege of freemen secured from the invasion of the governors. Trust me, my fellow citizens! We shall not be more powerful or more respected abroad, for being liable to oppression at home; but on the contrary, the freest states have been ever the most powerful. Yet with us no barriers will remain against slavery, under the new continental government, if it is not amended: the state governments, by the express terms of the constitution, can afford no protection to their citizens, and not even a single right is defined or stipulated, which the subject may appeal to against the will and pleasure of the moment.

These circumstances, and others of a like tendency, have excited great opposition; but the absolution necessity of a continental government of some sort, has silenced the opposition of those, who were dissatisfied with the present constitution, first in the continental convention, and afterwards in most of the conventions of the states. The wiser, if not the major, part of the continental convention, would have procured to us a much better form of continental union, had it been in their power, but they preferred this to none; and, in the different states, the wisest and best of the people have acquiesced in the scheme of adopting it in its present form, from the hope obtaining those amendments, which the constitution itself has provided for the attaining: provided two thirds of Congress, or two thirds of the state legislatures, shall concur in requiring them. Without such a clause of obtaining amendments, there is little doubt but a majority of the freemen of America, would have spurned at the idea of subjecting themselves to the other terms of the constitution; with this clause of obtaining amendments, it has become the duty of good citizens to make a beginning with the constitution as it is, confiding in the hope of obtaining all essential amendments in a constitutional mode. In this mode which is provided, it is certainly more eligible to reform the constitution, than by any violent or irregular opposition to attempt to overthrow it. We must have a continental government, or we are an undone people: at the same time, we ought to preserve our liberties, if possible, so far as they may consist with our essential protection. If these two points can be attained, and this extensive continent held together, in the course of a few years, we may, at once, be the greatest and happiest people on earth.

Impressed with these sentiments, and in the hope of reconciling the wishes of all parties, which, on the present question, we trust, when fairly explained, are more nearly the same, than possibly were those of any people, who, by the arts of intriguing men, were ever set at variance, a large number of freemen of Pennsylvania have, without noise or disturbance, resolved to invite their fellow citizens to accord with their inclinations, which they trust are the inclinations of a great majority of the freemen of this state. They wish most ardently for a continental union and a continental government, upon free principles. They wish to set the proposed government in motion; but they wish for amendments. They think that the strength of this great continent may be exerted, without impairing the private and essential rights of the meanest individual. They have therefore opened a communication with different parts of the state; they have conferred freely together; they have corresponded; and the purpose of their investigation has been to discover men to represent them in Congress, who will give their aid to the effectuating the great object of the late continental convention, that of promoting a continental government for the purpose of uniting our strength, and at the same time of securing the liberties of the subject. In a word, of carrying into execution the new government, and at the same time amending it. 

In consequence of this communication it became necessary to think of forming a ticket, to represent this state in Congress, of such men as would concur in carrying these views into effect; and great care has been taken in the choice of such men, as it was supposed would at once concur in federal measures and accord with the different particular interest of which this state is composed. However frivolous the latter idea may appear, and however plausibly it may found, to talk of chusing [choosing] the best men, without regard to nation or distinction, yet to Pennsylvanians the precaution will appear to be far from being unnecessary. We have great confidence in their abilities and integrity, and we trust that they will all concur in promoting the real interest of this state and the United States. Such as are friends to the new constitution, and at the same time wish for amendments, it is hoped will unite their suffrages with ours. 

The following are the gentlemen whose names will be run in our ticket.

WILLIAM FINDLEY,

CHARLES PETTIT,

GEN. WILLIAM IRVINE,

ROBERT WHITEHILL,

WILLIAM MONTGOMERY,

BLAIR McCLENACHAN,

DANIEL HIFSTER,

PETER MUHLENBERG.

The friends of this ticket are desired to remember that this election is for the whole state, and that however numerous or few may be its friends in particular districts, every vote will count one, and not one should omit voting who can possibly attend. The liberties of our country are at stake.

A FRIEND to LIBERTY and UNION.

Source: 

The Freeman's Journal or The North-American Intelligencer, published on November 12, 1788. Pages 2-3. Accessed through Newspapers.com